If you were watching the news in December 1989, you probably remember the surreal images of U.S. troops blasting Van Halen’s "Panama" at a Vatican embassy. It looked like a movie, but it was a very real, very messy climax to the career of one of the 20th century's most confusing villains.
So, who is Manuel Noriega, really?
To some, he was the "maximum leader" of Panama. To the CIA, he was a paid asset for decades. To the U.S. Department of Justice, he was a common drug trafficker who happened to run a country. He was a man of contradictions—a brutal dictator who never actually held the title of president, and a U.S. ally who ended up being the target of the largest American military operation since the Vietnam War.
The CIA’s Favorite Informant
Long before he was a "monster," Manuel Antonio Noriega was a very useful friend. He grew up poor in Panama City and found his way into the military through a scholarship to a Peruvian academy. This is where the story gets interesting.
While still a student, he started feeding information to the Americans.
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He was essentially a spy-in-training. By the late 1960s, he had become a protege of Omar Torrijos, the military strongman who took over Panama in a 1968 coup. Noriega was the guy who handled the dirty work—intelligence, security, and "disappearing" enemies.
Honestly, the relationship between Noriega and the U.S. was basically a business arrangement. He helped the CIA move weapons to anti-communist rebels in Nicaragua and El Salvador. In return, the U.S. looked the other way while he built an empire based on repression and, eventually, cocaine.
The Rise of Old Pineapple Face
After Torrijos died in a mysterious plane crash in 1981, Noriega didn't just walk into the top spot. He had to maneuver. He eventually became the head of the Panama Defense Forces (PDF) in 1983.
He never bothered with being president. Instead, he just installed puppet leaders and ran things from the military headquarters. This gave him all the power with none of the bureaucratic headaches.
People called him "Cara de Piña" (Pineapple Face) behind his back because of his acne-scarred skin. It wasn't a compliment. Under his rule, Panama became a playground for the Medellin Cartel. While he was collecting checks from the CIA, he was also reportedly taking millions from Pablo Escobar to let cocaine shipments flow through Panamanian ports.
He was playing both sides of the street. And for a while, it worked perfectly.
Why the U.S. Finally Turned on Him
The honeymoon ended in the mid-1980s. A few things happened at once that made Noriega a liability rather than an asset.
- The Spadafora Murder: Hugo Spadafora, a vocal critic who accused Noriega of drug ties, was found decapitated in 1985. The brutality of the killing turned the Panamanian public against him.
- The 1989 Election: Noriega flat-out ignored the results of the presidential election when it became clear his hand-picked candidate was losing. He even let his "Dignity Battalions" beat up the winning opposition candidates on live television.
- The Indictments: In 1988, federal grand juries in Miami and Tampa indicted him for racketeering and drug smuggling.
Basically, he became too loud and too embarrassing for Washington to ignore. When Panamanian soldiers killed a U.S. Marine in late 1989, President George H.W. Bush decided enough was enough.
Operation Just Cause: The Downfall
On December 20, 1989, the U.S. launched Operation Just Cause. They sent 26,000 troops into Panama. It was a massive show of force for a relatively small military target.
Noriega went on the run.
He eventually sought asylum in the Papal Nunciature (the Vatican's embassy). The U.S. military couldn't just barge in, so they resorted to psychological warfare. They surrounded the building with massive speakers and blasted high-volume rock music—The Clash, U2, Jethro Tull—24 hours a day. It sounds like a joke, but it worked. On January 3, 1990, Noriega walked out in his four-star general's uniform and surrendered.
The Long Legal Road
Noriega’s life after power was spent almost entirely behind bars. He was flown to Miami, where he faced a landmark trial. He was the first foreign head of state (de facto) to be tried and convicted in a U.S. court.
- U.S. Prison: He was sentenced to 40 years, later reduced to 30. He served about 17 before being extradited.
- France: In 2010, he was sent to France to face money laundering charges.
- Return to Panama: Finally, in 2011, he was sent back to Panama. He didn't return as a hero; he returned to serve time for the murders of his political rivals.
He died in 2017 at the age of 83 following complications from brain surgery. He never truly apologized for his actions, often portraying himself as a victim of U.S. imperialism.
Understanding the Legacy of Manuel Noriega
If you’re trying to wrap your head around who is Manuel Noriega, you have to look past the "drug lord" label. He was a product of the Cold War. The U.S. needed him to fight communism, so they ignored his corruption until it became a domestic political problem for the Bush administration.
His story is a cautionary tale about what happens when intelligence agencies empower "strongmen" for short-term gains. When you look at modern Panama, you see a country that has moved on—they even abolished their military in 1994 to prevent another Noriega from ever rising to power.
What You Can Do Next
If this piece of history fascinates you, there are a few ways to dig deeper into the nuances of the era:
- Watch Documentaries: The PBS Dictator's Playbook series has an excellent episode specifically on Noriega that uses archival footage.
- Read the Memoirs: If you want his side of the story (with a grain of salt), he co-authored America's Prisoner while in his Florida cell.
- Research the Iran-Contra Affair: To see how Noriega fit into the larger puzzle of U.S. foreign policy in Central America, look into the Reagan-era scandals involving the Contras.
Understanding Noriega helps explain why U.S.-Latin American relations are still so complicated today. It wasn't just about drugs; it was about power, betrayal, and the messy reality of global politics.