It's a heavy title. Honestly, it’s the kind of thing that starts shouting matches at Thanksgiving. But if you step away from the X (formerly Twitter) threads and the cable news chyrons, there’s a much deeper, more academic conversation happening. We’re talking about people who spend their entire lives studying the nuances of the 1850s and the Great Depression.
And for them, the question of whether we should consider Trump worst president ever isn't just about mean tweets. It's about a fundamental shift in how we measure "greatness" in the White House.
Historically, the "bottom of the barrel" was a pretty exclusive club. You had James Buchanan, who basically watched the country set itself on fire before the Civil War and did nothing. You had Andrew Johnson, who botched Reconstruction so badly we’re still dealing with the fallout. Then came the 2024 Presidential Greatness Project Expert Survey. This wasn't a Twitter poll. It was 154 social science experts—historians and political scientists.
They put Donald Trump dead last. 45th out of 45.
What do the rankings actually say?
If you look at the 2024 survey from the Presidential Greatness Project, Trump’s score was a 10.92 out of 100. For context, Abraham Lincoln—the gold standard—usually sits in the 90s. Even self-identified Republican historians in that same study didn't exactly give him a glowing review, placing him in the bottom five.
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Why?
It’s not just policy. Historians generally look at a few big buckets:
- Crisis Leadership: How did they handle the "big one"?
- Moral Authority: Did they leave the office with more or less dignity than they found it?
- Administrative Skills: Did the government actually work?
- Relationship with Congress: Could they get anything done besides executive orders?
In the 2021 C-SPAN survey, which is sort of the "Oscars" of presidential rankings, Trump landed at 41st overall. But look at the sub-scores. He was dead last—44th—in both "Moral Authority" and "Administrative Skills." That’s where the Trump worst president ever narrative gets its academic teeth.
The "Big Three" reasons for the low scores
1. The Peaceful Transfer of Power
This is the big one. Since George Washington stepped down in 1797, there’s been a "sacred" tradition of the loser handing the keys to the winner. It happened during the Civil War. It happened during the Great Depression. It didn't happen in 2021. Historians like Douglas Brinkley have argued that the events of January 6th and the challenge to the 2020 election results are unprecedented in American history. To a historian, "unprecedented" is usually a bad word.
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2. The COVID-19 Pandemic
Remember Herbert Hoover? He’s usually near the bottom because of the 1929 stock market crash. Historians judge presidents by how they handle the crises they didn't ask for. The critique of Trump often centers on the early response to the pandemic—the mixed messaging on masks, the "bleach" comments, and the friction with public health officials. When you have a massive loss of life on your watch, the history books are rarely kind.
3. Norm-Breaking as a Feature, Not a Bug
Trump prided himself on being an outsider. He fired people on social media. He bypassed traditional briefings. To his supporters, this was "draining the swamp." To historians, this was "deconstructing the administrative state." Experts like James Pfiffner argue that these norms—like keeping the DOJ independent or disclosing tax returns—are the glue holding the Constitution together. When you melt the glue, historians get nervous.
Is it too soon to tell?
Actually, probably.
Reputations change. A lot.
Take Harry Truman. When he left office in 1953, he was incredibly unpopular. People thought he was a hack. Now? He’s consistently in the top 10 because historians look back at the Marshall Plan and the integration of the military and see a visionary.
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Even Ulysses S. Grant spent decades in the "worst" category because of corruption in his administration. Today, he’s moved way up the list because scholars are finally prioritizing his work on civil rights and his fight against the KKK.
There is a very real possibility that in 30 years, the focus shifts. Maybe the Abraham Accords in the Middle East or the appointment of three conservative Supreme Court justices will be viewed as more significant than the daily chaos of the 2010s. Or maybe the "worst" label will stick like glue because of the democratic stability concerns.
What Most People Get Wrong
People think these rankings are just about who you'd want to have a beer with. They’re not.
They are about institutional impact. A president who passes zero laws but keeps the country calm usually ranks higher than a "transformative" president who leaves the country in a state of civil unrest. Stability is the metric.
Actionable Insights: How to Evaluate This Yourself
If you’re trying to cut through the noise and figure out where you stand on the Trump worst president ever debate, don't just look at the latest headline. Do this:
- Check the C-SPAN Presidential Historian Survey: It’s the most comprehensive breakdown. Look at the ten individual categories (like "International Relations" vs "Economic Management") to see where he actually succeeded or failed according to the pros.
- Compare him to the "Traditional" Losers: Read about James Buchanan and Franklin Pierce. Ask yourself: Is a president who causes a crisis worse than a president who fails to stop one?
- Wait for the "20-Year Rule": Most serious historians refuse to give a "final" grade until two decades have passed. That's when the classified documents are released and the long-term effects of policies (like the 2017 Tax Cuts and Jobs Act) are fully understood.
- Follow the Siena College Research Institute: They run one of the most respected ongoing polls. It's a great way to see how his rank moves as new events—like his second term—unfold.
History is a slow cook, not a microwave. While the current consensus among scholars leans heavily toward the "worst ever" end of the spectrum, the final chapter hasn't been written.