How Often Does North Korea Have Elections: What Most People Get Wrong

If you’ve ever scrolled through news headlines and seen a report about 99.9% voter turnout in North Korea, you probably did a double-take. It sounds like something out of a satire, but it’s the literal reality of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK). People often ask, how often does North Korea have elections, assuming the answer is "never" because it's an authoritarian state.

Actually, they have them quite regularly.

Honestly, the schedule is surprisingly predictable. For the national legislature, known as the Supreme People's Assembly (SPA), elections happen every five years. If you’re looking at local levels—like city, county, or provincial assemblies—those occur every four years.

But here’s the kicker: an election in Pyongyang doesn't look anything like an election in London, New York, or Seoul. In those cities, you’re choosing between candidates. In North Korea, the "choice" has already been made for you.

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The Five-Year Cycle of the Supreme People's Assembly

The big one is the national election. This is for the 687 seats in the Supreme People's Assembly. According to the North Korean constitution, these deputies serve five-year terms. The last major national election was held in March 2019. If you're doing the math, that means the next one was technically "due" in 2024, though the government has the power to shift dates based on what they call "internal conditions."

In the 2019 election, the state reported a 99.99% turnout. That isn't just a point of pride for the regime; it's basically a requirement. If you don't show up, the government starts asking questions. Very uncomfortable questions.

Local Elections: Every Four Years

While the world watches the SPA, the local assemblies have their own rhythm. These happen every four years. These representatives handle the more mundane, day-to-day administrative "rubber stamping" for provinces and cities.

In November 2023, North Korea held local elections that actually made international observers lean in a bit closer. For the first time, they introduced a "primary" system in some districts. Instead of one name on the ballot, there were two.

Don't get too excited, though.

Both candidates were still pre-vetted by the Workers' Party of Korea (WPK). It wasn't a choice of ideology; it was more like a loyalty test to see which candidate the local population "preferred" within the very narrow confines of party approval. Interestingly, the turnout for the 2023 local elections dropped slightly to 99.63%. The state blamed this on people being out at sea or working abroad, but some analysts think it hints at a microscopic loosening of the state's iron grip.

How the Voting Actually Works (It’s Not Secret)

When you walk into a polling station in North Korea, it’s a festive atmosphere. There’s music. People wear their best clothes. It’s treated like a national holiday. But once you get to the ballot box, the "celebration" gets serious.

You are handed a slip of paper with one name on it. There is no box to check.

If you support the candidate, you simply take that paper and drop it into the box. To vote "no," you have to take a red pen—usually provided at a separate desk in full view of officials—and cross out the name before putting it in a separate "no" box.

Basically, voting "no" is a public declaration of dissent.

Since the Inminban (neighborhood watch groups) are monitoring who enters and how they behave, very few people are brave—or suicidal—enough to use that red pen. Roger Cavazos, a retired US Army lieutenant-colonel and researcher, has noted that voting against the official candidate or even failing to show up can be interpreted as an act of treason. This can lead to the loss of your job, your home, or worse.

Why Even Have Elections?

If the outcome is 100% certain, why go through the hassle? It seems like a lot of work for a foregone conclusion.

1. The Political Census: This is the big one. Because everyone is required to vote, the government uses election day to account for every single citizen. If someone is missing, it means they’ve likely defected to China or South Korea. It’s a way to clean up the books on the population.
2. Legitimacy: The regime wants to show the world—and its own people—that it has a "mandate." By calling itself the Democratic People's Republic, it uses these rituals to claim it is a normal state with a functioning government.
3. Mobilization: It forces the entire country to focus on a single task: affirming their loyalty to the Kim family and the Workers' Party.

Key Takeaways on Frequency

• Supreme People's Assembly: Every 5 years (last held March 2019).
• Local Assemblies: Every 4 years (last held November 2023).
• Voter Participation: Virtually mandatory for everyone over 17.
• Candidate Choice: Traditionally one per seat, though 2023 saw limited "primaries" for local spots.

The reality of how often does North Korea have elections is that they happen just often enough to keep the population under a microscope. While the 2023 changes to local voting laws might seem like a shift toward democracy, most experts, including those at think tanks like the Asia Pacific Foundation, see it as a cosmetic update designed to make the country look more "normal" on the global stage.

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If you're following North Korean politics, keep an eye out for the next national assembly announcement. It will likely be framed as a massive victory for the people, but the real story is always in the turnout numbers and the subtle ways the regime uses the ballot box to maintain absolute control.

To dig deeper into how these laws are changing, you can look up the August 2023 amendments to the DPRK election law, which officially sanctioned the "multiple candidate" trial system for local seats. It’s a fascinating, if chilling, look at how a modern autocracy tries to rebrand itself for the 21st century.

Actionable Next Steps:

1. Monitor State Media: Check the Korean Central News Agency (KCNA) for announcements regarding the 15th Supreme People's Assembly.
2. Compare Turnout Data: Look for the "official" turnout percentages in upcoming cycles; even a 0.1% drop is often a sign of significant internal migration or dissent.
3. Review Defector Testimony: For a non-state perspective, read reports from the Database Center for North Korean Human Rights (NKDB) which detail the actual pressure felt by citizens on election day.