El Grito de México: What Most People Get Wrong About the Cry of Independence

El Grito de México: What Most People Get Wrong About the Cry of Independence

September 15th rolls around and suddenly everyone thinks they’re an expert on Mexican history because they’ve got a tequila shot in one hand and a plastic trumpet in the other. It’s loud. It’s chaotic. It’s beautiful. But honestly, most of the "facts" people spout about El Grito de México are kind of a mess. People call it "Mexican Independence Day," which is technically the 16th, not the 15th. They think Miguel Hidalgo stood on a balcony and gave a 20-minute speech about democracy.

He didn't.

The real story of the Grito is way grittier, weirder, and more political than the polished version we see on TV every year. If you’ve ever stood in a Zócalo anywhere in Mexico at 11:00 PM, you know the energy is infectious. But why are we shouting? What was actually said in that tiny town of Dolores back in 1810?

The Midnight Myth and the Porfirio Díaz Ego Trip

Let’s start with the timing because it’s the most common "gotcha" in Mexican history. History books tell us Miguel Hidalgo y Costilla rang the bell of his parish church in the early morning hours of September 16, 1810. So, why does the entire country go nuts on the night of the 15th?

Blame Porfirio Díaz.

The longtime dictator—who ran Mexico for about three decades—had a birthday on September 15. Being the humble guy he was (sarcasm intended), he decided it would be a fantastic idea to move the official celebration of the El Grito de México to coincide with his own birthday parties. He even had the original bell from Dolores moved to the National Palace in Mexico City in 1896 just so he could ring it himself. Before Díaz, the celebration was a much more somber, morning-of-the-16th affair. Now, it’s a late-night party that leaves everyone with a hangover for the actual Independence Day parade the next morning.

It’s one of those things where the myth totally overwrote the reality. Nobody cared that the timing was off because, frankly, partying at 11:00 PM is way more fun than waking up at 5:00 AM to hear a priest talk about taxes and Napoleon.

What Was Actually Said? (Hint: It Wasn't "Viva México")

If you ask a random person what Hidalgo said, they’ll probably tell you he shouted "Viva México!"

Small problem: Mexico didn't really exist as a unified concept yet. It was the Viceroyalty of New Spain.

Historians have been arguing for over 200 years about the exact words of the original El Grito de México. There is no official transcript. Hidalgo didn't have a press secretary taking notes. According to various witnesses and later accounts—including those from chroniclers like Lucas Alamán—Hidalgo’s speech was much more specific and, honestly, a bit more religious and angry than the modern version.

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He likely shouted something closer to: "Long live Religion! Long live our Most Holy Mother of Guadalupe! Long live Fernando VII! Long live America and death to bad government!"

Wait, Fernando VII? The King of Spain?

Yep.

Hidalgo and his conspirators weren't necessarily looking for a total break from the Spanish Crown at that exact second. They were pissed off about the French occupation of Spain by Napoleon’s brother, Joseph Bonaparte. They wanted the "true" King back, and more importantly, they wanted the local peninsulares (Spanish-born elites) to stop hoarding all the power and wealth in the colonies. It was a cry against "bad government" more than a cry for a democratic republic.

The "Viva México" part was added much later as the national identity solidified.

The Bell, the Priest, and the Conspiracy That Almost Failed

Hidalgo wasn't even supposed to give the Grito on September 16. The "Conspiracy of Querétaro" was actually planning a revolt for December.

They were meeting in secret, pretending to be a "literary circle." It was a group of middle-class intellectuals and military officers, including Ignacio Allende and Juan Aldama, who were tired of being second-class citizens in their own land. But, like most good conspiracies, someone talked. The Spanish authorities found out and started making arrests in early September.

Josefa Ortiz de Domínguez—the legendary "La Corregidora"—managed to get word to Allende and Hidalgo that the gig was up.

Hidalgo had a choice: run for his life or start the war early. He chose the latter. He gathered his parishioners, most of whom were indigenous and mestizo laborers, and used his position as a priest to spark a class-based revolution.

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The bell he rang? It’s called the Campana de Dolores. If you see it today at the National Palace, it looks surprisingly small for something that started a decade-long war. But in 1810, that sound represented the end of 300 years of colonial silence.

How the Modern Ritual Actually Works

Every year, the ceremony follows a very specific, almost liturgical rhythm. It’s not just a guy shouting. Whether it’s the President at the Zócalo or a local mayor in a tiny mountain village, the steps are the same.

  1. The official steps onto the balcony carrying the national flag.
  2. They ring the bell (or a replica).
  3. They recite the names of the heroes: Hidalgo, Morelos, Allende, Josefa Ortiz de Domínguez.
  4. The crowd roars "¡VIVA!" after every name.
  5. It ends with the triple "¡VIVA MÉXICO!"
  6. Everyone sings the National Anthem—which, by the way, is incredibly violent if you actually read the lyrics about "earth shaking at the roar of the cannon."

But the real El Grito de México isn't on the balcony. It’s in the streets.

It’s the pambazos soaking in guajillo sauce until they’re bright red. It’s the pozole—which, fun fact, used to be made with human flesh in pre-Hispanic times but fortunately transitioned to pork a few centuries ago. It’s the smell of gunpowder from fireworks that are definitely not legal in most US states but are mandatory in Mexico.

The Class Struggle Nobody Talks About

We like to paint the Grito as this unified moment of national pride. But at the time, it was terrifying for the elites.

Hidalgo’s "army" wasn't an army. It was a mob. Thousands of people armed with machetes, slings, and sticks. When they marched on Guanajuato and attacked the Alhóndiga de Granaditas (the grain granary), it wasn't a clean military victory. It was a massacre.

This is why some of the original conspirators, like Allende, eventually started to clash with Hidalgo. Allende wanted a disciplined military campaign; Hidalgo had unleashed a social revolution that he couldn't quite control. This tension—between the desire for a stable government and the desperate need for social justice for the poor—is still a massive part of the Mexican political DNA today.

When a modern politician gives the Grito, they are tapping into that raw, populist energy. It’s a reminder that the "people" are the ones who actually hold the power, even if it took eleven years after Hidalgo’s death for independence to actually be won.

The Evolution of the Grito Abroad

If you're in Los Angeles, Chicago, or Houston, the El Grito de México is arguably more intense than it is in parts of Mexico. For the diaspora, it’s not just a history lesson. It’s an assertion of existence.

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In the U.S., the Grito has become a focal point for the "Fiestas Patrias." It’s a way for people who have been away from home for twenty years to feel the ground of Guanajuato or Michoacán under their feet for a few hours.

Interestingly, the Grito is also celebrated in places you wouldn't expect. There’s a ceremony in Paris at the Place de l'Hôtel de Ville. There’s one in Tokyo. The Mexican government actually sends official instructions to every embassy and consulate worldwide to ensure the ritual is performed exactly right. It’s a rare moment of global synchronized shouting.

Why It Still Matters (Beyond the Tequila)

You might think a 200-year-old shout would lose its punch. But in Mexico, the Grito is a thermometer for the national mood.

When the country is angry at the government, the "¡Vivas!" are often mixed with "¡Mueras!" (Death to...). Protesters have used the Grito to call out corruption, disappearances, and economic inequality. In 1968, following the Tlatelolco massacre, students held their own "Grito Popular" to defy the government’s official narrative.

The Grito is a living thing. It’s a moment where the "Bad Government" Hidalgo shouted about is put on notice by the people.

How to Do the Grito Right

If you actually want to experience this without being a "tourist," you’ve gotta follow the unwritten rules.

First, don't eat a big dinner. Save your stomach for the antojitos on the street. You need room for the elotes, the esquites, and the buñuelos.

Second, wear something green, white, or red. It doesn't have to be a full mariachi suit—in fact, please don't do that unless you’re actually in a band—but show the colors.

Third, understand the "Grito" happens at 11:00 PM, but the party starts at 6:00 PM. The buildup is half the fun.

Lastly, when the "¡Viva México!" happens, you don't just say it. You scream it from your diaphragm. It’s supposed to be a release of all the frustration and pride of the last year.


Actionable Insights for Your Next September 15th

  • Check Local Times: If you’re in the US or outside of Central Mexico, remember that many communities sync their Grito with the Mexico City time (11:00 PM CST).
  • Look for the "Grito Popular": In many cities, social movements hold alternative Gritos that provide a much more raw and honest look at current Mexican issues than the official government broadcast.
  • The Food is Regional: Don't just look for tacos. If you’re in Puebla, look for Chiles en Nogada. It’s the seasonal dish of the independence celebrations because it has the green (poblano), white (walnut sauce), and red (pomegranate) of the flag.
  • Respect the Symbols: The Mexican flag is highly protected by law in Mexico. There are strict rules about how it can be displayed or used in clothing—don't be the person using a flag as a cape if you're actually in Mexico; it can actually lead to fines.
  • Listen for the Names: Beyond Hidalgo, listen for "Leona Vicario." She was a journalist and one of the first female war correspondents in the Americas who funded the rebellion. Her inclusion in modern Gritos is a relatively recent (and necessary) shift toward acknowledging the women of the movement.